Growing Pluralisation and Fragmentation of Policing Essay

This essay aims to explore Button’s (1996) claim that ‘the growing pluralisation and fragmentation of policing†¦has challenged the public police’s claim that to be the primary policing force’. In order to do so, it will provide a general definition of both the public and private policing bodies within the United Kingdom, followed by a brief look at the history of the public Police, their progression and integration with private agencies. The essay will go on to discuss pluralisation and fragmentation, and how these are reflected within the context of the topic. Finally it will identify how various financial constraints have resulted in cutbacks and forced ‘hybrid’ policing in many areas. It will conclude with a reiteration of the main points, supporting Buttons claim that the public Police are not the primary policing force. Within this essay it is not possible to draw a definitive distinction between public Police and private policing bodies or indeed the perimeters in which each work, it is however important to understand the difference between the Police and ‘policing’ – a social function that Reiner (ibid:722 in Button 1996) describes as: ‘An aspect of social control processes which occurs universally in all social situations in which there is at least the potential for conflict, deviance, or disorder.’ Today the word ‘Police’ is used in many civilised countries to describe an organisation whom uphold the law and order in society (Met Police, 2012). Button (1996) describes the Police as: ‘The body of men and women employed by the state who patrol the streets, deal with crime, and ensure order and who undertake a range of other social type functions’. It could it be reasonably argued that the primary difference between public and private police is legislative powers i.e. public police have powers of arrest for arrestable offences not committed within their view where there are reasonable grounds for suspicion (private police can`t make these kinds of arrests) (Citizens Advice Bureau 2012). Circa 1856 members of public, ordinarily the victims, largely conducted policing activities. Any person suspected of committing a crime would be taken to the ‘Parish Constable’, an unpaid position to uphold order (Victorian crime and punishment, 2006). The Police as we know them today were formed in 1829 following the collapse of the ‘Parish Constable’ system (Met Police, 2012). Home Secretary of the time, Sir Robert Peel, was responsible for passing the first Metropolitan Police act forming the Metropolitan Police force, although this only really came to fruition in 1839 when the new City of London Police took control of all independent police activities (Met Police, 2012). G4S (2012) explain that private Police enterprises started out as a very basic, 4-man bicycle team, providing a guard-protection force. ‘The earliest roots in the UK appeared in 1935 when a former cabinet minister launched ‘Night Watch Services’. Historically, pre World War II, private security was frowned upon, seen as thuggery, sneaks and spies with private interests, however, since the War private security has been accepted as a supplement to the much-overburdened public Police. More recently governments have actively encouraged the commercial private sector support to Police, accepting that the extensive and complex nature of crime requires more than the Police have to offer (Bayley and Shearing, 1996). To fully address Button’s statement, it is necessary to understand the definition of pluralisation and fragmentation, and importantly how this is represented within the context of the statement. It is generally accepted that, in many countries, ‘policing’ is now both authorised and delivered by diverse networks of commercial bodies, voluntary and community groups, individual citizens, national and local governmental regulatory agencies, as well as the public police (Jones and Newburn, 2006). Jones and Newburn (2006:6) continue, suggesting that there has always been an array of policing bodies however the last decade has seen a rapid increase in ‘visible’ policing providers. While Bayley and Shearing (1996) note that: ‘In the past 30 years the state’s monopoly on policing has been broken by the creation of a host of private and community-based agencies that prevent crime, deter criminality, catch law-breakers, investigate offences, and stop conflict. The police and policing have become increasingly distinct.’ It is this fragmentation or use of numerous agencies to uphold law and order within the community that Button refers to as pluralisation. Whilst we can say that policing bodies have been coexistent for some time; in recent years heavy financial constraints placed upon the public Police have forced a much larger, lateral, recruitment of private agencies to assist in back room and specialist Police departments. Newburn and Jones (2002) suggest that this may be due to: ‘Increasing constraints on police expenditure and that, as a consequence, other forms of provision have expanded to fill the gap.’ This largely came to the public eye in 1983 when the Home Office issued a circular (114/83, Manpower, Effectiveness and Efficiency) outlining the need for the Police force to demonstrate value for money in line with other public services (Smith and Henry, 2007:27 in Johnston, 1992). During the 1980’s Conservative administrations offered national police forces, financial incentives to, where possible, employ civilians in positions that did not require police power, training or experience (Jones and Newburn, 2002). This, however, is not a new concept, as explained by Jones, Newburn and Smith ((1994) in Jones and Newburn, 2002), ‘the employment of civilians in the police service has a long history, dating back to the early stages of this century’. Changes forced by financial shortages are highlighted by Houghton (2012), suggesting that due to budget constraints policing bodies have been forced to look at radical options such as privatisation as opposed to more common measures previously used like a minimum rate of change. Chief Superintendent Phil Kay was quoted in the Guardian (2012), as overseeing the joint West Midlands/Surrey â€Å"transformation† programme, designed to deal with the challenging financial conditions the force currently faced. As part of the programme West Midlands and Surrey constabularies intend to out source a variety of policing activities such as investigating crimes, developing cases, managing intelligence, as well as more traditional back-office functions, such as managing forensics, finance and human resources. In 2010/11 the Police Officer training course profile consisted of a 95 day course followed by three further 5 day interventions over the full 2 year probationary period. The total cost of training a police officer under this model was estimated at  £16,694 (the Met, 2011). These figures are in addition to a starting wage in the region of  £28,000 –  £32,000 per annum, housing allowance, contributions to private health care, free eye tests/spectacles and a London based Police Officer could expect to receive an additional  £6,500 per annum (The Met, 2012). In 2009-2010,  £1 from every  £7 of tax paid in England and Wales was used to pay a Police pension (The Telegraph, 2012). It is difficult to determine an accurate figure as to the raw cost of just one Officer per annum. However, when you begin to assess a similar monetary breakdown for a private contractor conducting a policing activity, such as a public space CCTV operator, the costs are poles apart. Individuals can complete a 30 hour course that will impart sufficient specialised knowledge for the user to be deemed competent and ‘possess the legal and technical expertise to operate CCTV systems according to the latest industry standards and the BS standard’, for a cost of approximately  £150 (AAB Training, 2012). Following the introduction of the Private Security Industry Act in 2001, to legally operate CCTV within a public space, operators must hold a current SIA licence, available at a cost of  £220 (SIA, Home Office, 2012). In a recent paper the Home Secretary, Right Honorable Theresa May MP (2010), claimed that: ‘Spending on the police has increased by 24% in real terms since 2000/01 and stands at  £13 billion a year today. Over the past decade the focus on public spending has been on money rather than value for money†¦ Government and police forces have wasted money.’ In the UK, Police are continually trying to ensure that there is a â€Å"visible presence†, a member of the uniformed police, on the streets. However in 1985 Bayley documented that in the United States of America, due to ‘staffing and deployment rules, 10 additional officers must be hired in order to get one extra uniformed police officer on the streets around the clock throughout the year’ (Bayley 1985, as cited in Bayley and Shearing, 1996). They continue to state that the incremental cost of a unit of â€Å"visible presence† on American streets is, therefore, about $500,000 – 10 times a patrol officer’s average annual salary plus benefits (Bayley and Shearing, 1996). More recently in the UK financial constraints on the public Police have resulted in numerous cases of ‘outsourcing’ of back room and support staffing from the private sector. G4S have won several contracts to support the Police including a support services contract with the Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire and Hertfordshire Constabularies. Managing Director of G4S Policing Support Services, John Shaw states: ‘Clearly in these times of austerity forces are investigating alternative ways of delivering the support services that underpin effective and efficient police operations and we are confident that by working with G4S the three forces will be able to make considerable savings which they will be able to redirect to frontline policing (G4S, 2012)’. ‘Many UK forces face budget cuts and had considered outsourcing work to save cash and bridge a 126 million pound funding gap.’ (Reuters 2012). As we can see, budgetary constraints have forced the public Police to investigate various options in order to maintain society’s persistent desire to see the Police force ‘policing’, as in on the streets. This need to reassess and outsource has naturally left a ‘grey area’ in the classification between the state, tax funded, public Police force and commercial, private policing bodies. Loader’s (2000) theory, that this shift in approach, ‘Police to policing’, is a transformation. He describes policing bodies that range from Government Police, through to ‘hybrid’ agencies, government provided services including CCTV monitoring etc. etc. (Loader, 2000, as cited in Mazerolle and Ransley, 2005). In 2003, following a Government Green paper, Policing: Building safer communities together (Tim Newburn, 2012), the first key, high profile, ‘hybrid’ style organisation designed as an integral support unit to the Police was formed. Whilst the Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA) was created and is funded by the central Government it remains operationally independent of the Police. Again a ‘grey area’ emerges as recruitment is often from within the various established Police departments, NCIS, NCS MI5. The emergence of such hybrid policing is one of the largest and least studied changes affecting law enforcement. Largely as a result of privatisation and contracting-out, Britain now has the following semi-private, semi-public bodies: the Atomic Energy Agency Police; the Transport Police; the Customs and Excise Investigation Division; the National Rivers Authority, the Post Office Investigation Department; and so on and on (The Economist, 1997). Whilst many see the ever increasing ‘privatisation’ of the public Police force and their roles, it is important to remember that this is not a new concept. Private security agencies have been assisting in law and order in the UK for centuries; many have come to rely on them, seeing them as an integral part of homeland security. The Shadow Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, recently stated that the future of policing should be based upon the principles set out by Sir John Peel, suggesting that ‘Public–private partnerships can be really important for the police, especially on things like new technology, and the police will need new contracts (The Telegraph, 2012)’. On one hand the continued employment of private sector personnel to conduct backroom and technical policing activities fulfills the need of Police Officers to be seen to be ‘policing’ however in doing so it fuels the fire for the pluralisation and ‘hybrid’ policing bodies that are becoming increasingly common throughout the UK. As Button suggests ‘Policing has become pluralized. Police are no longer the primary crime-deterrent presence in society; they have been supplanted by more numerous private providers of security (Bayley and Shearing 1996: 588).’ In conclusion, there are many things that have shaped and changed the way in which the Police force operate and the manner in which they uphold the law. However, the role of the Police Officer has changed dramatically over the years, the UK population has increased exponentially, they have faced severe manning and budgetary cutbacks, coupled with the rapid pace of evolving criminality, all of which have forced the Police to assess what are the core functions that cannot be filled by anyone other than a uniformed, lawful, Police Officer with powers of arrest. As a result out sourcing to experts and or backroom personnel is rapidly becoming the norm. In essence Button’s claim is true, due to financial constraints and social change, the public Police are no longer the primary policing force, more accurately it is a ‘hybrid’ of both the public Police assisted by numerous private and Governmental agencies. References AAB Training, (2012), ‘CCTV Training Courses’, http://www.aabtraining.co.uk/security_training/cctv_training.php, (Accessed 30th October 2012) Button, M. (2002) Private Policing, Cullompton: Willan David H. Bayley; Clifford D. Shearing (1996), ‘The Future of Policing’, Law & Society Review, Vol. 30, No. 3, 585-606 G4S (2012), ‘Electronic monitoring for Scottish Government’, http://www.g4s.uk.com/en-GB/Media%20Centre/News/2012/09/21/Electronic%20monitoring%20for%20Scottish%20Government/, (Accessed 17th October 2012) G4S (2012), ‘History’, http://www.g4s.uk.com/en-GB/Who%20we%20are/History/, (Accessed 17th October 2012) G4S (2012), ‘Police outsourcing statement’, http://www.g4s.uk.com/en-GB/Media%20Centre/News/2012/08/22/Police%20outsourcing%20statement/, (Accessed 17th October 2012) John Houghton, (2012) â€Å"The â€Å"not so new† plans to privatise policing†, Safer Communities, Vol. 11 Iss: 4, 191 – 194 Les Johnston (1992) in David J. Smith and Alistair Henry, (2007), ‘Transformations of Policing’, The Trajectory of Private Policing, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd Loader, (2000), From Police to policing: transformation and pluralisation, in L. Mazerolle and J. Ransley (2005), ‘Third Party Policing: Cambridge’, 19 Reuters (2012), ‘West Midlands police latest to axe outsourcing plans’, http://uk.reuters.com/article/2012/11/22/uk-britain-police-outsourcing-idUKBRE8AL0BB20121122, (Accessed 22 November 2012) Security HR (date unknown), ‘Public Police and Private Security’, Impact of Blurred Boundaries on Accountability ‘Gap’, http://www.securityhr.co.uk/Private-Security-and-Public-Police-Blurring-Boundaries.pdf, (Accessed 19th October 2012) SIA, Home Office, (2012), ‘Public Space Surveillance (CCTV)’, http://www.sia.homeoffice.gov.uk/Pages/licensing-cctv.aspx, (Accessed 30th October 2012) The Economist, (1997), ‘Welcome to the new world of private security’, http://www.economist.com/node/86147, (Accessed 30th October 2012) The Guardian (2012), ‘Police Federation vice-chairman says privatisation could destroy service’, http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2012/mar/03/police-federation-vice-chairman-warn ing, (Accessed 19th October 2012) The Metropolitan Police Force (2011), ‘Directorate of Human Resources’, http://www.met.police.uk/foi/pdfs/disclosure_2011/may/2011040001974.pdf, (Accessed 19th October 2012) The Metropolitan Police Force (2012), ‘New Constable’, http://www.metpolicecareers.co.uk/newconstable/pay_and_benefits.html, (Accessed 29th October 2012) The Telegraph, (2012), ‘Police pensions unaffordable as tax payer contributions near 2Bn’, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/personalfinance/pensions/9110995/Police-pensions-unaffordable-as-taxpayer-contributions-near-2bn.html, (Accessed 29th October 2012) The Telegraph, (2012), ‘We don’t want private companies patrolling the streets’, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/politics/labour/9584002/Yvette-Cooper-We-do-not-want-private-companies-patrolling-the-streets.html, (Accessed 30th October 2012) Theresa May MP, (2010), ‘Home Office’, Policing in the 21st century: Reconnecting Police and the people, http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/consultations/policing-21st-century/policing-21st-full-pdf?view=Binary, (Accessed 30th October 2012) Tim Newburn, (2008), ‘Handbook of policing’, Policing since 1945, Willian, Second edition. 100 Treveor Jones and Tim Newburn, (2006), Plural Policing: A Comparative Study. Routledge, 1 Trevor Jones and Tim Newburn (1994), ‘The Transformation of Policing’, understanding current trends in policing, The Centre for Crime and Justice

Argument Paper Fast Food

Zinczenko is saying that common sense would say it is personal responsibility to be an active eater and know what you are putting in your mouth. In discussions of fast-food obesity, one controversial issue has been the lack of the nutritional facts. On the one hand people should do research before they eat instead of blaming fast-food places. On the other hand the nutritional facts should be placed on the food itself. In my opinion, personal responsibility should be taken for what you eat because fast-food places are not forcing you to eat their food. For instance common sense says something that is dunked in grease and cooked in five minutes cannot be good for you. Becoming obese from fast-food is the result of no self-control. Grease in itself contains many calories and causes many problems with blood pressure, cholesterol and type two diabetes. Zinczenko states, â€Å"Today According to the National Institutes of Health, type 2 diabetes accounts for at least 30 percent of all new childhood cases of diabetes on this country† (Zinczenko 154). Type 2 diabetes is obesity related and a serious disease. Poulin 2 Common sense tells you eating two meals a day, in a fast-food restaurant, will cause you to gain weight. This unhealthy weight gain tells people that there is a problem to the way they are eating and it is not the washer shrinking their jeans. Instead of walking into McDonalds kids can walk into Subway and try a sandwich that is healthier and cost about the same as the huge meals they can get at McDonalds. There are healthier alternatives that re just as fast and taste as good as burger joints. Although I grant that many people might say there is no way of knowing how many calories are in fast-food meal has because of the lack of nutritional labels, labels are readily available on fast-food websites. The labels would not change the fact that it is personal responsibility to know that something that has been smothered in grease has no nutritional value. On the one hand, I agree with people that labels should be put on fast-food explaining what is in the food. But on the other hand, I still insist that people should do the research if labels are the main concern of nutritional values. Just because people have labels explaining the fat content does not mean they will stop eating the food. This is where personal responsibility needs to come into play. When people find out what really is in the food and the content of fat people need to be active and make the right decision to not add fast-food into their daily diets. Self-control is a huge factor here and people need to take charge, putting themselves in charge of a healthy lifestyle. In the end it is only the consumer who can control what they consume not the companies and blame cannot be put on that one party. Proponents of fast-food restaurants causing obesity are right to argue that the food causes you to gain weight when you eat it regularly, it is cheap, it is easily accessible, and it is catered to children. But they exaggerate when they claim that fast-food is the number one reason for child obesity in the United States. Poulin 3 You can argue that children who sit in front of video games and computers all day long are a huge contributing factor to the obesity rate. Their lack of activity can cause pounds to pile on and that has nothing to do with McDonalds Fast-food. For instance fast-food has always made me feel sick to my stomach. My common sense would tell me that as good as it does taste my body does not like fast-food. When I was younger I gained a lot of weight because I would eat at McDonalds every chance I got. I was unaware that I could be making better choices and choose not to eat it. Kids today are uneducated on how to make healthier choices and live healthier lives with the influences of fast-food. Zinczenko states, â€Å"But most of the teenagers who live, as I once did, on a fast-food diet won’t turn their lives around: They’ve crossed under the golden arches to a likely fate of lifetime obesity† (Zinczenko 154). If the country believes that fast-food is the cause of childhood obesity then why do we still continue to eat it? People need to realize labels are not put on the food because if people really knew what was in the food they would not continue to eat it. Again that is where common sense should tell you that you should not eat fast-food. Although at a first glance People, including young and old, might say that fast-food is the cause of being obese. But on a closer inspection it is really the individuals fault. For example people are so quick to blame fast-food restaurants for making them obese that they jump right to suing the corporation, but are they actually doing something about the obesity. Zinczenko mentions in his article how one meal can contain â€Å"up around 1,040 calories which is half of the government’s recommended daily calorie intake. And that doesn’t take into account the 450-calorie super-size Coke† (Zinczenko 155). The calorie intake should tell anyone that eating this way and especially eating this way twice a day is extremely unhealthy and fattening. People need Poulin 4 to speak up and demand labels. Zinczenko says, â€Å"They would do well to protect themselves, and their customers, by providing the nutrition information people need to make informed choices about their products. Without such warnings, we’ll see more sick, obese children and angrier, litigious parents† (Zinczenko 155). Parents need to be more active in their children’s lives and teach them about healthy life styles that way in the future generations can be much healthier. In conclusion people need to take personal responsibility for their own weight and stop forcing the blame on fast-food corporations. Common sense should tell you that greasy food is not good for you and that it has no nutritional value. Many people can say that labels are the cause of obesity because they are uniformed about what they are eating. Labels are readily available at any fast-food chain and on their websites. People need to speak up and come up with a solution to this issue rather than be part of the problem. Common sense also says that if it is cooked in grease it is a good chance it is covered in fat. People are responsible for their own lives and they need to stop blaming others for their short comings. Ultimately what is at stake here is a healthier generation.

AACN Synergy Model for Patient Care Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

AACN Synergy Model for Patient Care - Assignment Example st of characteristics is equally conclusive since it covers the most intricate features of patients that enhance the quality of the services they obtain from health facilities. The portrayal of the traits provides nurses with a way of caring for the physical, psychological and spiritual needs of the patients. The three are essential in the wellbeing of an individual. As such, the method ensures effectiveness of the nursing services. While the synergy model is effective in providing care to critical patients, the model is vital in other areas of the specialty such as cleaning patients. Cleanliness of both the patient and their environment enhances their recovery. The model requires nurses to participate in caring for the patient. This includes enhancing the cleanliness of the patients. Participation in both care and decision making further requires nurses to offer counselling to the patients. Counselling enhances the psychological and religious recovery of the patients. This implies that the two character traits enhance the complexity and predictability of the nurses (Kaplow, 2008). In retrospect, the eight patient traits had to connect with the eight traits the nurses present thereby enhancing the recovery of the

The creation of the National Assembly was important to the French Essay

The creation of the National Assembly was important to the French Revolution because it brought together the three different states - Essay Example Rousseau also emphasizes the reigning regime’s inability to bring equality, and hence the need for democracy. Before the revolution, the nation had three divisions. The divisions comprised of the Clergy, the Nobility and the Commoner, with little representation of the commoners who were the majority. As such, the commoners sought for equal rights and representation. Montesquieu work (the Spirit of the Law) aided significantly in the implementation of democracy (Halsall). He argued that there ought to be balances within the government, with the incorporation of the people and not a single family. During the Enlightenment era, the people of France had become conversant of their rights. Montesquieu and Rousseau worked significantly in highlighting the rights of the people and the ills associated with monarchy. As such, they began to perceive the ills that the reigning authorities were perpetrating to them. This compelled them to question the governing systems of the time, and hence the need to transform them. There was a great need for the creation of a National Assembly and a constitution. The introduction of democracy in the US with set rules within the constitution and a congress and senate equivalent to the National Assembly also served as a significant influencing factor for the revolution. Montesquieu article also compare the French government with the US (Halsall). The governing systems also proved to be too ineffective to govern the people. The people felt the need to introduce a National Assembly and a constitution with unambiguous rights of the people. France also faced economic challenges at the time, owing to the huge debts accumulated by the former monarchies. The king of the time, Louis 16th also lived a lavish lifestyle, thus magnifying the already worse economy of the nation. The king’s wife, Marie Antoinette was infamous for leading an extravagant life. This meant

Summary of the Article - Government and Poverty Research Paper

Summary of the Article - Government and Poverty - Research Paper Example In the scenario, the author also makes a mention of the more recent American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. The author defines poverty as the dearth of the necessary resources that enable the people to meet their basic needs and extends the commensurate statistics regarding the urban, suburban and rural incidence of poverty. The author does support the extension of government aid to the deserving, while taciturnly mentioning that many people suffer from poverty because they are lazy. The writer also blames the indulgence in substance abuse like tobacco and alcohol as the reason as to why the poor remain poor. Yet, the writer again contradicts one’s assertion by saying that a great number of the poor receiving the government aid do tend to be employed. In the end, the writer conclusively asserts that the government should spend money on imparting skills and education to the poor, rather than wasting the taxpayers’ money on extending nutrition, health and housing. Overall the approach of the writer seems to be discernible against the government funding of the poverty alleviation programs. The poor tend to remain poor because they simply do not have a place in the national financial chain and many times, as said by the author, they lack the skills, education and connections to be able to fit into the national financial dynamics. Hence the government spending on the poverty alleviation programs is the most efficient way to make way for the allocation of the national wealth in favor of the impoverished segments of the society. The government has a self-interest in doing so in the sense that allowing the poverty to rise beyond a certain limit could lead to an unstable society marred by political unrest and crime (Lal & Myint 8). It is rightly said that the hungry minds are angry minds. Hence, state expenditure in poverty alleviation programs allows the government to channelize the skills, abilities and energy of poor sections of the society towards self-development and nation-building. State sponsoring of the poverty alleviation programs is not a choice but an important n ecessity and requisite. Hence, there is no scope or possibility for casting doubts on the relevance or necessity of the government spending on the poor or poverty alleviation programs. The writer himself conveyed that a majority of the poor people receiving government help does have jobs and they tend to work. Hence, the tongue in cheek assertion that the poor people are poor because they happen to be lazy is utterly nonsensical and biased. Poor people, in fact, happen to be poor because they do not have a say in the national and international policy-making procedures and frameworks, where they could chalk out the apt policies that would help them have a share in the process of wealth generation and allocation (Global Issues 1).

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Ummary of the New Testament Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

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